{"id":1973,"date":"2026-09-30T14:45:12","date_gmt":"2026-09-30T14:45:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/tcjsj.com\/?p=1973"},"modified":"2026-09-30T14:45:12","modified_gmt":"2026-09-30T14:45:12","slug":"states-vow-to-press-ahead-with-climate-superfund-laws-despite-legal-setbacks-and-looming-supreme-court-test","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/tcjsj.com\/?p=1973","title":{"rendered":"States Vow to Press Ahead With Climate Superfund Laws Despite Legal Setbacks and Looming Supreme Court Test"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Last week, another federal judge blocked New York\u2019s landmark \u201cclimate superfund law,\u201d marking a significant legal setback for the state\u2019s bold attempt to force fossil fuel companies to pay for climate-related damages linked to their historical activities. Signed into law in 2024, the pioneering legislation had previously inspired a wave of similar proposals across the country as lawmakers sought innovative ways to hold Big Oil financially accountable for the mounting costs of a warming planet. <\/p>\n<p>The two recent judicial rulings are undoubtedly a blow to the advocates championing the polluter-pays model. However, legal experts and state lawmakers emphasize that they are not a death knell for this approach. According to seven legislators from Connecticut, Hawai\u2018i, Rhode Island, New Jersey, and New Hampshire who spoke with Grist, the decisions have limited direct legal relevance to their respective jurisdictions. Most expressed a continued, unwavering interest in advancing their own superfund legislation despite the courtroom headwinds.<\/p>\n<p>What poses a far more substantial and immediate threat to these kinds of pollution-accountability laws is <em>Suncor v. Boulder County<\/em>, a high-stakes case that the United States Supreme Court is scheduled to hear beginning next week. Although a definitive ruling may not be handed down until next spring, the outcome could effectively nullify all state-level attempts to make fossil fuel companies pay for climate costs nationwide. <\/p>\n<p>\u201cWorst case, they rule that federal law \u2014 both statutory and constitutional federal law \u2014 preempts all of these cases, throws them all out,\u201d said Pat Parenteau, an emeritus professor at the Vermont Law School. This sweeping preemption could quash not only state superfund proposals, he added, but also consumer rights cases, racketeering lawsuits, and antitrust claims, leaving every state in the country with billions and billions of dollars piling up for disaster recovery with virtually no legal recourse.<\/p>\n<p>New York\u2019s climate superfund law had originally sought $75 billion from major fossil fuel companies to help shoulder the immense costs associated with climate change. These funds were intended to finance recovery efforts from increasingly destructive extreme weather events, as well as crucial adaptive infrastructure projects such as upgraded stormwater drainage systems and modern cooling systems in public buildings. The legislation was directly inspired by the federal Superfund Act of 1980, known formally as the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act (CERCLA), which made chemical and petroleum companies financially responsible for cleaning up heavily polluted hazardous waste sites across the country. <\/p>\n<p>The two recent court decisions found that New York\u2019s state-level measure was preempted by federal law, specifically the Clean Air Act. In the first ruling, Judge Brenda Sannes of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of New York wrote that the legislative measure was simply beyond the limits of state law, siding with the coalition of fossil fuel companies and 22 red-state attorneys general who had brought the lawsuit. New York state officials are expected to appeal both adverse rulings.<\/p>\n<p>To date, Vermont stands as the only other state to have successfully enacted a climate superfund law. That statute is currently facing its own intense legal challenges from some of the very same plaintiffs fighting New York. Over the past month alone, Professor Parenteau noted that there has been a flurry of legal briefings and press statements calling for its repeal. <\/p>\n<figure class=\"article-inline-figure\"><img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/grist.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/09\/ny-federal-courthouse.jpg\" alt=\"States want to make Big Oil pay for climate harm. Now, courts are weighing in.\" class=\"article-inline-img\" loading=\"lazy\" \/><\/figure>\n<p>Republican attorneys general and powerful industry interests have also actively used the legal strike against New York to oppose climate accountability initiatives in other states. In New Jersey, Republican state Senator Michael Testa argued in a public statement that pursuing a climate superfund measure in his state would be a complete waste of time and resources. Meanwhile, West Virginia Attorney General JB McCuskey told Bloomberg Law that if any other state passes this type of policy, he intends to sue them almost instantaneously.<\/p>\n<p>Despite the aggressive pushback from industry groups and conservative officials, several Democratic lawmakers remain firmly committed to advancing climate superfund legislation. <\/p>\n<p>\u201cI don\u2019t think it\u2019ll make any difference,\u201d said Karl Rhoads, an outgoing senator in Hawai\u2018i who sponsored a superfund bill last year. \u201cThere\u2019s no reason for the rest of us not to continue.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Rhode Island Representative Jennifer Boylan and Connecticut Representative Josh Elliott both confirmed that they are planning to reintroduce climate superfund bills during their upcoming legislative sessions. <\/p>\n<p>\u201cI\u2019m full speed ahead,\u201d Boylan said, dismissing the narrative that the New York case would inevitably doom similar legislation elsewhere as a convenient strategy designed to scare lawmakers out of acting.<\/p>\n<p>Legislators from California, Illinois, and Massachusetts also indicated to Bloomberg Law last week that they remain interested in putting forward new superfund bills in their own statehouses.<\/p>\n<p>In New Jersey, a climate superfund bill sponsored by Democratic Senator John McKeon stalled prior to the Legislature\u2019s summer break, but it may still be considered during the remaining year and a half of the state\u2019s legislative session. McKeon stated that he remains unconcerned by the New York ruling, noting that New Jersey falls under a different federal court circuit and is governed by distinct local legal precedents.<\/p>\n<p>Tony Caplan, a Democratic representative from New Hampshire, sponsored an unsuccessful bill last year aimed at determining the monetary costs of climate damage to the state of New Hampshire and identifying the best means of recouping such costs. He explained that he is now focusing primarily on decarbonization legislation and does not plan to introduce another superfund bill. However, he attributed this shift to long-standing opposition to climate accountability measures from his state\u2019s Republican-controlled Legislature rather than any fresh developments stemming from the New York decisions. <\/p>\n<figure class=\"article-inline-figure\"><img decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/grist.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/08\/americans-prosperity-6-20250812-e1756312856472.jpg\" alt=\"States want to make Big Oil pay for climate harm. Now, courts are weighing in.\" class=\"article-inline-img\" loading=\"lazy\" \/><\/figure>\n<p>\u201cThe lawfare goes on,\u201d Caplan said. \u201cThe [New York] decision can be appealed, obviously, and there are blue states that will continue to push forward with these kinds of bills.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Rachel Rothschild, an assistant professor at the University\/ of Michigan Law School, emphasized that states can and should push ahead with their various climate liability initiatives. She noted that state legislatures are not legally bound by the rulings of the New York District Courts, nor would they be strictly bound by anything the higher-level Second Circuit Court might decide if the New York superfund lawsuits are ultimately appealed. However, she warned that an adverse outcome in <em>Suncor v. Boulder County<\/em> represents a far more significant and systemic threat. <\/p>\n<p>Narrowly, the upcoming Supreme Court case considers whether a 2018 lawsuit brought by Boulder County and the City of Boulder against Suncor and Exxon Mobil can be heard in state court at all. Fossil fuel interests have long argued that it should not be permitted in state courts because it represents an impermissible attempt by local governments to dictate national climate policy. <\/p>\n<p>If at least five of the eight participating justices rule that the case is superseded by the federal Clean Air Act or the U.S. Constitution, that legal precedent will become binding across the entire country. (Justice Samuel Alito has recused himself from participating in the dispute). Under such a scenario, states could be severely limited, if not outright barred, from seeking any form of financial recompense from fossil fuel companies, whether through traditional tort lawsuits or innovative climate superfund-style legislation.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cMy fear,\u201d Rothschild said, \u201cis that this is going to be another notch in a long list of decisions that are threatening to our broader country and democracy, leaving states without the ability to do much on very flimsy and poorly reasoned legal grounds.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Another, less consequential possibility is that the justices might choose to punt on the case, given that it has not yet traveled all the way up through the traditional Colorado state court system. Rothschild described this as a wait-and-see approach that would still be preferable to a total victory for fossil fuel interests. Yet, she expressed concern that this middle-ground outcome would leave bad law on the books, referring specifically to the New York state superfund decisions and two other recent cases favoring federal preemption for issues involving transboundary pollution.<\/p>\n<p>If Boulder ultimately prevails, its lawsuit and other state-level accountability measures will be permitted to proceed. States currently waiting on the sidelines to see how the high court rules might then gain crucial insight into what kinds of climate claims are deemed permissible and consistent with the constitutional limits of state authority. For example, the justices might suggest in their written opinions that states can only claim damages for climate pollution released strictly within their own borders, or that they can only collect financial penalties for clearly demonstrated local climate harms.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThat might give us something of a yardstick with which we could evaluate what could be done under the climate superfund statutes,\u201d said Jonathan Adler, a professor at the William and Mary Law School. \u201cWe\u2019ll have to pay a lot of attention.\u201d<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Last week, another federal judge blocked New York\u2019s landmark \u201cclimate superfund law,\u201d marking a significant legal setback for the state\u2019s bold attempt to force fossil fuel companies to pay for climate-related damages linked to their historical activities. Signed into law in 2024, the pioneering legislation had previously inspired a wave of similar proposals across the [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":5,"featured_media":1972,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[1037,523,1438,825,1730,2604,1437,3256,1633,3258,3254,3257,2981,3255,3187,1439,1395],"class_list":["post-1973","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-ahead","tag-climate","tag-climate-change","tag-conservation","tag-court","tag-despite","tag-environment","tag-laws","tag-legal","tag-looming","tag-press","tag-setbacks","tag-states","tag-superfund","tag-supreme","tag-sustainability","tag-test"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/tcjsj.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1973","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/tcjsj.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/tcjsj.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tcjsj.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/5"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tcjsj.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=1973"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/tcjsj.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1973\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tcjsj.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/1972"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/tcjsj.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=1973"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tcjsj.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=1973"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tcjsj.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=1973"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}